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why is there no peace in the middle east

In what is a very ambitious and aspiring work, dramatically titled
The Middle East and World War III Why No Peace? , Dr. Michael Calvo, Sorbonne educated and a graduate of New York University, an expert in international law and comparative jurisprudence, takes on the complex, unique and evidently intractable Middle East conflict. In an intricately detailed and masterful manner, replete with multimedia links as well as a full list of annexes containing all relevant instruments, international and national documentation and correspondence, he analyzes the various components of the Middle East conflict from its historic, biblical, Koranic, legal and political aspects. Calvo opens the book with a detailed chronology listing the systematic use of terrorism by the Palestinian leadership, timed and synchronized to cater to Western gullibility, to utilize the Western tendency to political correctness and pro-Arab, anti-Israel sentiment. When seen in the concentrated manner set out by Calvo, one cannot but conclude that there was, and continues to be, a distinct, systematic pattern and well organized policy, regulating and controlling the timing and intensity of acts of terrorism in tandem with international and regional developments and the mindset of the international community. Such an infrastructure of terrorism is not really surprising in light of the psychological and religious brainwashing and incitement generated and conducted by the Palestinian leadership in mosques, schools, universities, media and cultural instruments as well as in the social media. Dismissed and overlooked by an often patronizing worldview of Western countries as an accepted pattern of cultural behavior in the Arab world, the West, including those countries with a distinct commonality of cultural, social, political and security interests with Israel, nevertheless simply look on with cynical and patronizing paternalism, disregarding the issue s monumental proportions and the damage caused to Palestinian society, and, for whatever reason, ignoring the tragic danger to Israel and its society. Calvo analyzes how the Palestinian leadership manipulates foreign media, rewrites history to sell it to a passive and often lethargic international community that is eager to accept whatever fake history is sold to it by the Palestinian leadership. They do this through feeding false historic and legal facts into resolutions in international organizations, utilizing an automatic majority of Arab and Muslim states, as well as catering to those Western countries eager to coddle the Muslim countries.

All this in order to push through resolutions abusing the bona fides of the international community, undermining the most basic, professional and constitutional tenets of international organizations, and misleading international leaders. Calvo demonstrates how, through such methods, the Palestinians perfected the art of lawfare, recruiting international NGOs to institute, organize and fund lawsuits against Israeli leaders and senior military commanders, and against international corporations with commercial interests in Israel. This was further developed by the Arab League, through social networking, into what is known today as the international BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions) campaign, which basically has reinstituted and reactivated the original Arab Boycott against Israel. Calvo brings historic evidence to show the age-old roots of the BDS campaign, in propaganda techniques used by the Nazis and by the Soviet authorities against Jews, Jewish communities and businesses all intended to undermine the very right of existence of the State of Israel. The book analyzes wider perspectives of the Israeli-Palestinian-Arab- Muslim conflict, and the Muslim worldview, based on Koranic verses, of the status and rights and duties of the non-Muslim in Muslim societies, including the Jews. While this book is not an easy read, and in many respects its chapters are brimming over with historic and legal information that could confuse a casual reader, it is nevertheless a mine of information for whoever needs or wants to delve into the nitty gritty of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and to see and hear the pertinent material and documentation, recordings, video clips and YouTube recordings. The author is the former legal adviser of the Foreign Ministry and Israeli ambassador to Canada. He participated in the negotiation and drafting of all Israel s peace agreements with its neighbors, and is presently head of the International Law Program of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. The most influential of the revisionist historians was Benny Morris, whose 1987 book The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem became an international sensation. Using a trove of documents in the Israeli state archives, Morris showed that not all the Palestinian refugees fled their homes in panic or were ordered out by their leaders.

For example, during fierce battles between Israeli and Arab forces around the strategic towns of Lydda and Ramla, the Israelis expelled thousands of Arab residents and put them on roads leading to the West Bank. Morris also presented documented cases of atrocities by some Israeli soldiers and revealed that David Ben-Gurion and other Zionist leaders had discussed the feasibility of transferring Arabs out of the areas assigned to the Jewish state by the UN. Yet unlike most of his left-wing revisionist colleagues, Morris also asserted that the Palestinian calamity and the refugee problem were born of war, not by design. Morris wasand isa committed Zionist of the Left. He believed that as a truth-telling historian, his scholarly work might have a healing effect, encouraging Palestinian intellectuals to own up to their sides mistakes and crimes. This process of mutual truth telling might lead to some reconciliation, perhaps even to peace. But Morris was shocked when Palestinian leaders launched the second intifada, with its campaign of suicide bombings, just as President Bill Clinton offered them a generous two-state solution at Camp David. Morris was also dismayed to discover that his scholarship on the 1948 war was being used by Palestinian activists and Western leftist academics to build up the Nakba myth. In a 2008 letter to the Irish Times, he wrote: Israel-haters are fond of citingand more often, mis-citingmy work in support of their arguments. Let me offer some corrections. In defiance of the will of the international community, as embodied in the UN General Assembly Resolution of November 29th, 1947, [the Palestinians] launched hostilities against the Jewish community in Palestine in the hope of aborting the emergence of the Jewish state and perhaps destroying that community. But they lost; and one of the results was the displacement of 700,000 of them from their homes. On the local level, in dozens of localities around Palestine, Arab leaders advised or ordered the evacuation of women and children or whole communities. Most of Palestines 700,000 refugees fled their homes because of the flail of war (and in the expectation that they would shortly return to their homes on the backs of victorious Arab invaders).

But it is also true that there were several dozen sites, including Lydda and Ramla, from which Arab communities were expelled by Jewish troops. The displacement of the 700,000 Arabs who became refugeesand I put the term in inverted commas, as two-thirds of them were displaced from one part of Palestine to another and not from their country (which is the usual definition of a refugee)was not a racist crime but the result of a national conflict and a war, with religious overtones, from the Muslim perspective, launched by the Arabs themselves. Coming from the dean of Israeli revisionist historians, this was a significant rejection of the Nakba narrative and, incidentally, an endorsement of Stones forgotten book. Yet another path-breaking work of historical scholarship later appeared that, if facts mattered at all in this debate, would put the final nail in the coffin of the Nakba myth. The book is Palestine Betrayed, by Efraim Karsh, head of the Middle East program at Kings College London. Karsh has delved deeper into the British and Israeli archivesand some Arab onesthan any previous historian of the period. He deftly uses this new material to seal the case that their catastrophe in 1948 was, to a large extent, brought on by the Palestinians own leaders. For example, using detailed notes kept by key officials in Haifa, Karsh provides a poignant description of an April 1948 meeting attended by leaders of Haifas Arab community, officers of the nascent Israeli military, the Jewish mayor of the mixed city, Shabtai Levy, and Major General Hugh Stockwell, the British military commander of Haifa. Levy, in tears, begged the Arab notables, some of whom were his personal friends, to tell their people to stay in their homes and promised that no harm would befall them. The Zionists desperately wanted the Arabs of Haifa to stay put in order to show that their new state would treat its minorities well. However, exactly as Stone reported in This Is Israel, the Arab leaders told Levy that they had been ordered out and even threatened by the Arab Higher Committee, chaired by the grand mufti from his exile in Cairo. Karsh quotes the hardly pro-Zionist Stockwell as telling the Arab leaders, You have made a foolish decision.

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