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why palestine should not be a state

Let's begin by repeating the definitions of de facto and de jure de facto : a) in fact, whether by right or not. b) existing or holding
a specified position in fact but not necessarily by legal right. de jure : a) according to rightful entitlement or claim; by right. b)
existing or holding a specified position by legal right. De jure the state of Palestine exist. It has a government (two
actually, when counting Hamas) the Palestinian Authority, diplomatic
relations with other states and is recognized by a majority of the
world's sovereign states:
De facto it does not exist since it doesn't exercise control of its own territory. In fact, what the state's territory is, is undefined. Often, it's borders are drawn like this: But that map doesn't map (de facto) to reality, due to the settlements and Israel's occupation of the West Bank. The light brown areas is that the Palestinian Authority currently controls, and the rest is what Israel controls. As can be seen from the map, the "islands" the Palestinians control are too fragmented to form a sovereign state and Israel therefore must relinquish control of territory it controls to allow a Palestinian state to exist. This answers your question. Palestine is not a de facto state because Israel does not want it to be a de facto state. Palestine can not force itself to come into existence (like Israel did in 1948) because it has no military and would lose badly in any violent conflict with Israel. Perhaps your follow up question is "Why does Israel not want Palestine to exist? " which is harder to answer. A multitude of reasons can be given, such as: The territory Palestine would exist on matches the territory called Judea and Samaria which the ancient Israelite tribes lived in. A sovereign Palestinian state would be overtaken by extremists and would start a war against Israel. Israel won the territory "fair and square" in the Six-day war in 1967. Of these three reasons, I believe the first one is the most important.

The goal of the group which created Israel, was to create it on the same territory that the Israelite tribes lived in. That way, the state would have a natural historical connection to the land it controls. If you draw the outline of the West Bank on the above map it would cover most of the territory of Manesseh, Ephraim, Benjamin and Judah. Giving these areas to the Palestinians is currently not possible because many Israeli Jews feel that they are part of their historical homeland. For them, it would be no different than asking Greece to give up Crete. I should clarify that this is my belief of why Israel doesn't want a Palestinian state on the West Bank. Therefore I don't feel the need to link to sources and this part of my answer only scratches the surface anyway. If the op is interested, then he or she should ask a question specifically about that topic. Btw, I forgot to mention the Jordan answer. An idea supported mostly in right-wing circles is that Jordan is the state of Palestine. Therefore Palestine exists. This idea stems from the fact that until 1921, the British Mandate of Palestine was called the British Mandate of Palestine and Trans-Jordan and the Trans-Jordan part of the territory was split of and given to the king Abdullah bin Hussein. The 90 rockets fired at Israel by Palestinian Arab terrorists in Gaza on Wednesday are not just another round of the same old Middle East turmoil to which the world is unfortunately accustomed. Coming just as US Secretary of State John Kerry is trying to conclude a deal to create a Palestinian state, the rockets offer 90 vivid demonstrations of why such a state must not be created. For years, the international community badgered Israel to withdraw from Gaza. Israelis were told that if only the occupation ended, the Palestinians would embrace peace. That the presence of Israeli soldiers and the Jewish communities in Gaza were the obstacles to peace. That once Israel withdrew, the Gaza Palestinians would no longer have a reason to attack Israel.

And that if even a single missile were fired into Israel from Gaza, the IDF would be justified in re-occupying the area. At the time, Israeli military experts warned that withdrawal was dangerous. That Gaza was a vital security belt for Israel s southwestern frontier, and a buffer between Israel and unstable Egypt. That Gaza under Palestinian control would become a breeding ground for terrorists and one huge storage depot for weapons to be used against Israel. But eventually, the international pressure became unbearable. The constant hectoring by State Department officials and New York Times columnists and European Union envoys wore down Israel s leaders. They decided to gamble. In 2005, with no demands or preconditions, Israel withdrew all its soldiers from Gaza and forcibly evicted the area s 10,000 Jewish residents. For advocates of Israeli withdrawal, Gaza was supposed to set the precedent they hope will soon be repeated thanks to the Kerry initiative in the Judea-Samaria (West Bank) territories. Instead, Gaza has become the most graphic illustration of why relinquishing Judea and Samaria to the perennially hostile and corrupt Palestinian Authority is a bad idea. Last week, a shipload of advanced Iranian weapons would have reached its destination Gaza, were it not for the last-minute intervention of the Israeli Navy. And last week, 90 rockets were fired from Gaza at Israel. Now let s imagine how the actions of the Gaza Palestinians would have looked if they had been West Bank Palestinians, acting from inside a Palestinian state. Despite the felicitous turn of phrase, there is no such thing as a de-militarized Palestinian state. An independent state controls its own borders. Palestine would be free to open its borders to truckload after truckload after truckload of Iranian (and Syrian and North Korean) weapons. If Israel tried to intervene, it would be accused of violating Palestinian sovereignty, denounced at the United Nations, and threatened with international sanctions.

Now about those 90 rockets. A Palestinian state in Judea-Samaria would mean that the border with Palestine would reach the outskirts of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. Those 90 rockets might have been aimed at the Western Wall, the Azrieli Towers, or airplanes landing at Ben-Gurion airport. The shooters would quickly vanish behind the civilian shields of Palestinian orchards, tunnels and safe houses. The government of Palestine would declare that the attacks were regrettable, but of course, we cannot control every extremist element. All the while, Palestine would continue to amass a huge arsenal of weapons just as Hamas has done in Gaza and Hezbollah has done in southern Lebanon and Israel would be helpless to stop it, without launching a pre-emptive war and inviting the wrath of the international community. There are many other reasons to be opposed to the creation of a West Bank Palestinian state. There is the likelihood that a drastically shrunken Israel will be unable to prosper economically and have room for new immigrants, that its cities will become unbearably overcrowded and increasingly unlivable. There is the tragedy for the whole Jewish people of repudiating 2,000 years of Jewish longing to return to the ancient Land of Israel longing expressed in our prayers for a return to the Cave of the Patriarchs, in Hebron, and the Tomb of Rachel, in Bethlehem. There is the danger that the mass, forced expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Israelis from those the territories could provoke all-out civil strife in Israel. But for now, let us be reminded that the national security of all Israel is at stake. Those 90 rockets tell us all we really need to know. Mr. Phillips is president of the Religious Zionists of America, Philadelphia Chapter; Mr. Korn, the former executive editor of The Philadelphia Jewish Exponent, is chairman of the RZA-Philadelphia.

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